Showing posts with label Weimar Cinema. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Weimar Cinema. Show all posts

Tuesday, October 9, 2012

Bergfilme and Blitzkrieg: The Two Sides of Leni Riefenstahl


Leni Riefenstahl is often considered the most controversial filmmaker of all time.  Equally famous for the explosive content and masterful craftsmanship of her Nazi propaganda films Triumph of the Will and Olympia, she embodies the age-old question of whether or not it is possible to separate an artist’s virtuosity from the content of her message.  These films are infamous; everyone knows them, or at least knows of them.  They instantly catapulted Riefenstahl to stardom and solidified her place in film history, while simultaneously leading to her exile from the world of filmmaking and persecution in the world at large.  Hearing what most have to say about Riefenstahl, one could be forgiven for thinking she magically emerged from the ether in 1934 just in time to film the Nazi Party Conference in Nuremburg to make Triumph of the Will and become "the quintessential articulator of the Nazi film aesthetic" (Schulte-Sasse, 124).  Riefenstahl’s propaganda films have become synonymous with her persona, eclipsing everything she did prior.  What’s forgotten is her work in Weimar cinema, first as actor in many prominent mountain films (a genre called bergfilm) of the era, and then as director of her very own mountain film, 1932’s The Blue Light, that made her a minor star before she became the Nazis’ secret cinematic weapon.  By working within the framework of Weimar cinema, then ushering in the advent of the Nazi cinema that would take its place, Leni Riefenstahl exists at the intersection of Old World and New World cinematic values and signals the transition in Germany from one to the other.
            The bergfilm was a specifically German genre that celebrated the romanticism of the Alps and the heroism of mountain life and mountain climbing.  It was simultaneously a part of, and apart from, Weimar cinema, gaining popularity in the Weimar Republic while generally not conforming to the dark, uneasy atmosphere of most films of the era.  It was a lighter alternative to the heady, heavy fare that was making the rounds typified by proto-horror (The Cabinet of Dr. Caligari, Nosferatu, etc.) and proto-noir (Dr. Mabuse: The Gambler, M).  The genre’s ethos was practically the polar opposite of Weimar city films, like Berlin: Symphony of a Great City.  Where the city film was practically an exercise in techno-fetishism, fixating on the innovations and customs of modern (rather, modernist) life, the bergfilm often “featured a primal and very male struggle between man and nature… far from the purportedly softening, feminizing influences of modern urban society” (Brockmann, 152).  Bergfilme were shot on location in the Alps, and were often lacking in plot or character development, instead relying on the spectacle of their settings to entertain. 
Riefenstahl’s life changed forever when she saw Arnold Fanck’s 1924 bergfilm, Mountain of Destiny.  She had been a relatively successful dancer, taking classes at the Grimm-Reiter Dance School in Berlin since she was 16, but a knee injury had forced her to stop working.  She saw an advertisement for Mountain of Destiny while waiting for the train one day, went to see the film on a whim and was entranced.  As a dancer, she was especially captivated by the way the film captured the movement of the natural world.  In Ray Müller’s 1993 documentary The Wonderful Horrible Life of Leni Riefenstahl, she recalls, “[It was] the first mountaineering film.  The first with sequences so filled with movement.  The clouds were alive with movement.  I’d never seen that before. I didn’t know much about film, but I realized I was looking at a very special art form on the screen for the first time” (Müller).  She tracked down and charmed Fanck, who was so smitten he wrote his next film, 1926’s The Holy Mountain, specifically for her.
            Fanck demanded a lot of his actors, and working for him was rigorous, but Riefenstahl rose to the challenge.  She learned to ski and rockclimb, quickly becoming a skilled mountaineer and even climbing with bare feet and no ropes.  She didn’t care that mountain climbing was an activity practiced exclusively by men, showing an assertiveness that would come out again when she took part in the almost exclusively male National Socialist movement eight years later.  She then convinced Fanck to let G.W. Pabst co-direct his 1929 silent bergfilm, The White Hell of Pitz Palu.  Riefenstahl starred in it, and it was a huge success, becoming the second highest grossing film of the year at the German box office.  In her words, “Fanck was a wonderful outdoor director, for filming nature.  Pabst was a fabulous feature film director.  I brought the two together and it worked wonderfully.  That’s the reason Pitz Palu was such a success worldwide” (Müller).  It was on the set of that movie that Riefenstahl first started giving thought to the idea of becoming a director.
            In 1932, Riefenstahl traveled to the Brenta Dolomite mountains in Ticino, Switzerland, to produce, direct and star in The Blue Light, a romantic fairytale of a bergfilm.  Though it was only her first film, she was already a perfectionist.  She ordered a special lens from Hollywood, and asked the Agfa Film Corporation to invent a new kind of film-stock, called R-Stock, for her to use to shoot the night scenes.  When filmed through a red filter, R-Stock made blue look practically pitch black.
            The Blue Light is the tale of Junta, a “wild” woman who lives in union with nature and Monte Christallo, the local mountain, but at odds with the villagers who live at the mountain’s base.  Only Junta knows the source of the titular blue light that shines from the top of the mountain every full moon, and the villagers think her a witch.  It doesn’t help matters that every full moon, a different man from the village attempts to scale the mountain to reach the light and ends up falling to his death.  A new man, Vigo, comes to town and falls in love with Junta.  She shows him the blue crystals that are the source of the light and he betrays her secret to the villagers.
            In keeping with bergfilm tradition, the picture is pervaded by a naturalistic quality in the visual aesthetic.  When the audience is first introduced to Junta, she seems like a forest nymph of sorts.  She is juxtaposed with cascading waterfalls and an otherworldly mist, serenely holding her mystical blue crystals, bathed in an ethereal glow that outlines her body and makes her hair shimmer.  Her habitat is something out of a dream: fantastical and surreal.  Her disconnect with the outside world is illustrated by shots from her point of view from atop the mountain.  Shunned or attacked whenever she visits the village, Junta is only safe on or around the mountain’s “natural” setting.  Later, when Vigo leaves the village in search of her, he finds her by way of “natural” clues — a dropped apple she was eating, a branch that falls from the bush she is hiding behind, her reflection in a puddle of water.  Junta is literally embedded in the landscape.  Adolf Hitler proclaimed the film one of his favorites of 1932, and it’s easy to see why.  The film is filled with the kind of idyllic, people-less landscapes of which Hitler was such a vocal fan, and painter before he was rejected from art school and turned to a career in politics.
            There is also a surprising amount of dark, distorted imagery; unexpected affinities with the rest of Weimar cinema and its obsession with the macabre.  Riefenstahl has a great eye for faces — all the people of the village are grotesque in their own way.  They all have a faraway look in their eyes, like they’re not entirely there.  The village is an ugly, unfortunate place, while Junta and her world are beautiful.  Once the full moon comes out, the Expressionist imagery becomes far more pronounced.  Tall, black buildings loom large.  The already disturbed (and disturbing) villagers turn downright creepy as they lock their doors and shutter their windows.  Overcome with a sick desperation, they steel themselves from their fears of the unknown.  It’s literal lunacy, and more than a little reminiscent of a werewolf film.  When one of the men inevitably begins his ill-fated climb to the blue light on the mountain, he is presented as being hypnotized, drawn to the light like a moth to a flame.  The theme of hypnosis, in and of itself, is a motif of Weimar cinema — a manifestation of an obsession with the dark side of the mystical, here exemplified by the villagers’ vilification of Junta.  The village’s cobblestone corridors are narrow and twisting, labyrinthine and claustrophobic, calling to mind the mangled cityscapes of films like Caligari.
            The Blue Light is about the clash between old and new world values, of the rapid changes of modern times.  Junta represents a simpler, more naturalistic way of life — sleeping on a bed of straw in a Spartan cabin away from the burdens of society.  Vigo is the embodiment of that modern society, infiltrating her secret realm and ultimately betraying her trust (regardless of his arrogant belief that it is in her best interest).  Vigo can’t see past the crystals’ superficial beauty.  “It’s a real treasure,” he says to Junta.  “It must be found and brought to the village.  You’ll never have to run around in these rag clothes anymore.”  He’s no different than anyone else in the village, after all: the crystals only thrill him insofar as they have the possibility to be worth money.  Junta asks him to stay and not tell anyone of the sight he’s been privy to, but he arrogantly brushes her off, thinking he knows best.  Vigo sees only opportunity — a discovery to be mined, appraised and drained — while Junta appreciates the crystals for her own personal reasons.  Neither of them truly knows what the crystals mean.  Vigo’s reaction is to try to control what he doesn’t understand, while Junta appreciates the beauty — that of the natural world — for its own sake.
My conjecture is that Hitler’s love of the movie stemmed from his own misgivings about modern times.  WWI was the first modern war and it completely ravaged Germany, leaving it in a state of social, political and economic turmoil.  Hitler may have appreciated the film’s message promoting a return to simpler, less complicated times, just as he wished to “purify” Germany, washing it clean of outside influence, reinforcing a back-to-basics nationalistic attitude.  It’s easy to see Hitler identifying with Junta — a misunderstood misfit, cast out and at odds with the world, struggling to preserve and protect the beauty of the things she holds so dear.  Whether those things are nationalist ideals or mysterious blue crystals, the concept remains unchanged.
In an emotionally wrenching final scene, Junta takes one last cathartic climb before finding her secret grotto ransacked.  Sold out, her holy mountain desecrated and her trust in Vigo the outsider violated, she plunges to her death.
            In the same year that she made The Blue Light, Riefenstahl heard then-presidential candidate Adolf Hitler speak at a rally and was mesmerized by his talent as an orator.  Describing the experience in her memoir, she wrote: “I had an almost apocalyptic vision that I was never able to forget. It seemed as if the Earth's surface were spreading out in front of me, like a hemisphere that suddenly splits apart in the middle, spewing out an enormous jet of water, so powerful that it touched the sky and shook the earth” (Riefenstahl, 101).  She wrote to him, requesting a meeting.  Already impressed with her work, Hitler accepted and invited her to film the 1934 Nazi rally in Nuremburg.  The result was 1935’s Triumph of the Will, the documentary/propaganda that brought Riefenstahl international fame, while signaling the end of Weimar cinema and the beginning of “the Ministry of Illusion,” so called by Rentschler because “[the Nazis] were keenly aware of film’s ability to mobilize emotions and immobilize minds, to create overpowering illusions and captive audiences” (Rentschler, 1).
            In the film’s prologue, Riefenstahl contextualizes the rally with a mixture of German history and loaded religious imagery.  By saying the rally occurs “16 years after Germany’s crucifixion,” Hitler is implied to be Germany’s resurrection — a Christ-like second coming after the humiliation suffered during WWI.  The narrative intertitles then tell us that “Adolf Hitler flew again to Nuremburg to review the columns of the faithful followers.”  This is followed by shots from within his airplane, flying right above the clouds before dipping down over the assembling masses, its shadow a crucifix on the ground.  Hitler literally descends from the heavens, touching down in the Nuremberg airport to be greeted by hundreds of thousands of cheering, adoring fans, as if he were some holy rockstar.  Hitler is driven through the streets to the tune of a booming, triumphant soundtrack — the camera so close that we can’t see his car — appearing to be floating past the crowd; a divine hero of the people, something more than human.  "Systematically using editing techniques and structures such as the shot/reverse shot rarely found in previous documentaries, [Riefenstahl] constructs a cult of personality around Hitler. The editing patterns turn the Fuhrer into an object of desire, one who is looked at adoringly by the crowds that surround him" (Musser, 326).
            In this film, more than in any Weimar cinema, the camera is alive; animated to a self-conscious degree.  Moving up and down, left and right, the camera flits from audience member to audience member to Hitler, the MC of the party.  The camera sees all.  Riefenstahl makes effective use of different kinds of angles, shocking in their effects.  Characters (Hitler in particular) are often shot from below, seeming larger than life.  Soldiers often march right at the camera, enveloping the screen and, ultimately, us.  Used most of all is the extreme close-up.  The human form, especially the face, is idealized, made to look more like a statue than flesh and blood.  It really says something, that almost any shot in the film could be isolated and turned into its own Nazi propaganda poster.  This is Riefenstahl truly harnessing the power of the medium.  She shoots common people — anonymous faces — but turns those people into characters, and those characters into stars.  Even when she shoots sweeping panoramas of massive crowds of fervent followers, the lens aggrandizes the subject.  There are countless shots of what appears to be an infinite number of Nazis marching into the distance, as far as the eye can see, taking on the grand stature of a Cecil B. DeMille silent film spectacular.
            There is a deliberate focus on Nazi youth culture; the children and teenagers in the crowd.  Innocent, wholesome scenes of jocular tomfoolery (including wrestling and grooming) serve to break up the pedantic, formal tone of the film.  Moreover, they resonate as instances of everyday German culture, whether it’s real or idealized.  As high-ranking Nazi Alfred Rosenberg says in his address, “This is our unshakeable belief in ourselves… This is our hope in the youth of today… They are destined to continue the work started.”  Everything is invested in the youth, to be flag-bearers, to pick up the party mission and carry it forward. 
Riefenstahl always maintained that she never meant to make a Nazi propaganda film — just an objective documentary — but that becomes almost impossible to believe when lines like, “A nation that doesn’t maintain its racial purity will perish” are banded around.  Later, Goebbels praises “the creative art of modern political propaganda,” a sentiment that takes on a self-reflexive quality under the circumstances.
Triumph of the Will signaled the end of an era.  More than 700,000 Nazis were in attendance at the 1934 Nuremburg Rally, and Hitler took over Germany in August of the same year.  The Third Reich replaced the Weimar Republic.  Weimar cinema, in its shadowy angst and cynical glory, was forced out of the picture by Hitler and Goebbels’ Nazi cinema, which ended up being a bizarre mix of frothy entertainment and blatant propaganda.  Leni Riefenstahl wasn’t a catalyst for the change, but she did have an undeniable role in it.  From her Weimar bergfilme to her Nazi propaganda documentaries, she was a sign of the times; a consistent indicator of the zeitgeist.  Made on the cusp of this change in cinematic values, Triumph of the Will still allows for some Expressionist flourishes.  The scene of the second night, for example, is rife with smoke and shadows.  Though the scene is supposed to be jovial, a modern historical vantage point combined with the ambiguous imagery lends it a completely different tone.  It now seems ominous and menacing: a thinly veiled threat.  It’s a veritable army of shadows, Nazis saluting in silhouette all over the place.  The scene ends with shots of the soldiers, backlit by what are supposed to be celebratory bonfires but now seem like the very flames of Hell.

Bibliography/References

The Blue Light.  Dir. Leni Riefenstahl.  1932.

Brockmann, Stephen.  A Critical History of German Film.  Rochester, NY: Camden
House, 2010.

Musser, Charles.  "Documentary."  The Oxford History of World Cinema.  Oxford UP,
1997.

Rentschler, Eric.  The Ministry of Illusion: Nazi Cinema and its Afterlife.  Cambridge,
MA: Harvard University Press, 1996.

Riefenstahl, Leni.  Leni Riefenstahl: A Memoir.  New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1992.

Schulte-Sasse, Linda.  "Leni Riefenstahl's Feature Films and the Question of a Fascist
Aesthetic."  Cultural Critique 18 (1991): 123-48.  JSTOR.  Web.

Triumph of the Will.  Dir. Leni Riefenstahl.  1935.

The Wonderful, Horrible Life of Leni Riefenstahl.  Dir. Ray Müller.  1993.

Wei-Noir Cinema

             Despite immediate appearances, the Weimar Republic was way ahead of its time.  While other countries thrived during the 1920s, living off the prosperity World War I had brought them, oblivious to the Depression that would hit at the end of the decade, Weimar toiled prematurely, slogged down by almost every problem imaginable.  The Treaty of Versailles may have ended the war for the rest of the world, but it lived on in Germany, perpetuated by Article 231, the War Guilt Clause, which placed the blame solely on German shoulders.  Suddenly the country was faced with territorial changes, military restrictions, an Allied occupation of the Rhineland, rampant hyperinflation, a political gridlock and the modern equivalent of $442 billion in reparations.  The Great Depression hit in 1929, but by that point the Weimar Republic was jaded, its suffering having gone on for so long as to be the norm.  Weimar had been humiliated by its degrading treatment at the end of The Great War and left to its own devices in a time of staggering global change — when a helping hand was needed most.  Modernity was a cruel mistress and with it came uncertainty, the existential crisis of a country down on its luck and at odds with the rest of the world. 
Weimar angst gave voice to new forms of representation, opening the floodgates for the experimental tropes and new aesthetic codes that would come to define German Expressionism.  The country was socially and politically disadvantaged, but culturally avant-garde.  Fritz Lang’s 1922 film Dr. Mabuse: The Gambler exemplifies the prodigiously high watermark of Weimar cinema, serving a twofold purpose: commentary on, and entertaining escapism from, the tumultuous nature of the Weimar condition, all while epitomizing the influence Weimar cinema would have on American culture, film noir and hardboiled literature in particular.
            Cinematically speaking, Mabuse is most important for serving as a precursor to the film noir genre — literally “black film” — which took off in Hollywood in the ‘40s as a natural progression from hardboiled crime literature and the zeitgeist of the Great Depression.  Crime dramas heavy on cynical attitude and lurid subject matter, complete with brooding black and white cinematography and visual motifs borrowed from German Expressionism, film noir has consistently served as the perfect vehicle with which to express the heightened anxiety and alienation of a country in crisis.  Film noir feeds off social frustrations, presenting a world of increasingly brutal indifference where normal people get caught in unbelievably dire situations and ideas like right and wrong go out the window faster than a man thrown to his death from the tenth story of an apartment building.  Despite its release in 1922, well before the first film noir proper, this is no less true of Mabuse and its place in the fabric of the Weimar Republic.
            A mark of its cinematic maturity, Mabuse makes do without the eccentrically exaggerated set design seen in other Weimar films like Robert Wiene’s 1920 proto-horror flick The Cabinet of Dr. Caligari, in which the precariousness and uncertainty of the times is palpable in every exaggerated angle of every building, roof and window.  Instead, a creepily tense atmosphere is introduced by way of the subtle, shadowy nuances of Berlin and its seedy criminal underworld. Everywhere contains a den of sin and corruption lurking in its depths, from the ritziest of hotels to the darkest of alleys.  There is an illicit backroom card game going on in each of them, a vice paradise shrouded in cocaine mist and cigarette haze.  This subterranean world of shady inhabitants has of course become a staple of the genre, immediately reminding me of ‘50s film noir like Jules Dassin’s Night and the City and Samuel Fuller’s Pickup on South Street, two especially hardboiled examples that made similarly labyrinthine purgatories of their urban settings of London and New York City.  This is indicative of a greater motif of film noir, stemming from Weimar cinema, to make the city a character in and of itself.  The setting is almost always a metropolis, where it is somehow always night, and is an irredeemably sinister place where the threat of danger lurks around every corner and lies rooted in the very modernity that defines it.  The city plays the role of omniscient narrator: inescapable, dictating the terms by which the game is played. 
Instead of an actor like the inimitably exuberant smart-ass Richard Widmark (the star of both NatC and PoSS), our anti-hero is played by the much more fitting Rudolf Klein-Rogge. Widmark’s characters are very much of their time (the late ‘40s and early ‘50s); manic and cocky as they bounce around the frame like a ping-pong ball.  Similarly, Klein-Rogge plays Mabuse in a manner befitting the silent film era.  He’s more of a caricature than a character, always playing one emotional extreme or the other.  He is mechanically aloof until he flies into one of his fits of rage and becomes a whirlwind of melodramatic facial expression and embellished movement.  He is almost a cartoon villain at points, pseudo-menacing eyebrow raised in silent mocking of the characters he manipulates to no end.  Mabuse’s archetypal, now cliché, qualities are not due to the actor’s shortcomings, but a casualty of some now-risible traits of silent filmmaking.
Mabuse’s incomprehensibility is exactly what makes him such an effective villain.  He’s a greedy gangster looking out only for himself, an amoral hedonist in a world that takes itself far too seriously.  He is transgression incarnate: thief, killer, gambler and actor.  Operating under the guise of a psychoanalyst, he is a modern continuation of Weimar cinema’s obsession with the mystical, hypnosis in particular (as is seen in Caligari, Warning Shadows, etc).  He is trusted because he is a doctor, one of the universal bastions of society.  When something as supposedly incorruptible as medicine is turned against us, as is the case with Dr. Mabuse, can anything be trusted at all?  By making us fear the very aspects of modern times that we hold sacred, Mabuse is emblematic of both the nihilistic film noir spirit and the unpredictability that defined the Weimar Republic — he even causes a mini-recession of his own, early in the film, just to prove he can.
State Attorney Von Wenk nicknames Mabuse “The Great Unknown,” and that’s exactly what he is: the omnipresent, inscrutable threat to Weimar society.  This idea of the menacing unknown would carry on into American film noir at the zenith of the Red Scare during the Cold War, most noticeably in Robert Aldrich’s 1955 classic Kiss Me Deadly.  A deceptively simple b-movie about a private eye on the hunt for a mysterious box (“the great whatsit” as one character calls it, echoing Mabuse), the box in question represents the nuclear paranoia that had taken hold of American society, and in the end it blows up, literally bringing about the apocalypse.
Mabuse’s tone may be foreboding, but it doesn’t get anywhere near as dour as much of the American noir it influenced.  Just as Weimar art of the ‘20s was obsessed with the disillusionment that followed the country’s crippling WWI defeat, American hardboiled fiction of the ‘30s supplied constant commentary on the woes of the Great Depression.  Princes had turned to paupers, steady, middle-class families had seen their whole life savings go down the drain and all of a sudden America was seeing things the Weimar way.  This nationwide change in attitude, alongside an exposure to edgier, more outré fare such as Mabuse allowed for a novel like James M. Cain’s The Postman Always Rings Twice to be so successful upon its 1934 release.  A depressing parable of senseless cruelty and moral depravity, the book was immediately banned in Boston for its mix of violence and eroticism.  The public flocked to it anyway, realizing what it was: a grand literary statement for the times and an indictment of the American Dream.  Although Cain does not offer sustained social criticism in the narrative, the Great Depression is simply taken as a given, something constant in every character’s life and a factor in his or her motivations.  The characters are victims of a society traumatized by national economic disaster but driven by myths of limitless opportunity and success, regardless.  They impulsively follow the American Dream, and when they have finally attained their goals they find that all they have really secured is their own defeat.  It may have not been a carefree read, but neither was the common American disposition of the time.  In one fell swoop Cain uprooted the American Dream and showed the perverse underbelly of it all, in concise enough terms that it could ring true with anyone.  The disenchanted hardboiled fiction that rose to prominence in America as a response to the Depression, like Postman, would not have been possible without the template offered by Weimar cinema.  The noir tendencies that emerged from films like Mabuse are just as significant for their (however accidental) influence on the culture of rest of the world as they are for their function in German Expressionism itself.
Mabuse may have film noir inclinations, but it is still a work of German Expressionism at heart — that is to say, it is very much of its time.  The climax, for example, in which Mabuse goes mad in a cell of his own creation, is all over-the-top imagery and surreal symbolism.  It’s fantastical in a way that the rest of the film is not, but it still works.  Mabuse has just escaped from the police by way of a trapdoor and a trek through an underground tunnel, emerging in the lair his late henchman Hawasch used for counterfeiting money.  He locks the door on accident, and realizes there is no escape.
Mabuse cowers, pushed into the bottom corner of the frame, attempting to inch away from the creepy blind counterfeiters who begin to surround him.  The blind men dissolve, and in their place are the ghostly apparitions of the four characters whose deaths Mabuse has been responsible for over the course of the film.  They walk toward him in a zombified trance, following him to the table.  They are his inner demons, the skeletons in his closet, and now he is at their mercy.  The film cuts to a shot of the five of them standing around the table.  Mabuse is visibly stupefied as he looks at them pleadingly.  They stare him down with the intense, accentuated, bugged out eyes that can only be found in a silent film.  He sits and they follow his lead, one of them pulling out a deck of cards ominously.  “Take over the bank, Dr. Mabuse,” he intones, letting the cards fall from his fingers as he does so.  Mabuse shuffles the deck and begins to deal, never taking his eyes off his unwanted companions.  He reveals his cards, expecting to win as he always does.  Another of his victims calls him a cheat and they vanish as suddenly as they materialized.  The camera is slightly askew as Mabuse begins grabbing and throwing the counterfeit money in a fit of deranged excitement, first at the blind men in the corner, then at the camera (thus the viewer himself) and finally up in the air above him, letting his capitalist confetti rain down all over the room.  Turning around, he watches in horror as the clock on the wall anthropomorphizes into the mechanical version of a human face, itself staring him down.  Mabuse is caught between a rock and a hard place as he falls backward onto a pile of his fake money on the table, unable to tear his eyes away from the assorted pipes and machinery in the room that are sprouting human features and coming to life.  Mabuse’s world is revolting against him and he has nowhere to run.  Not even his riches can save him.  Exhausted, he collapses on the floor in yet another pile of fake money, rubbing his face in it, trying desperately to escape from the absurd modern technology Grand Guignol of a nightmare his life has become.
As Tom Gunning points out, “The image of a man ‘holding all the cards’ is, of course, an image of control and power” (Isenberg 99).  As soon as the ghost pulls the deck of cards out, the role reversal becomes clear.  The viewer knows Mabuse is about to get his comeuppance.  The climax is hyper-imaginative, but it needs that over-the-top quality in order to carry the weight of the climax’s role in the story.  This is the culmination of a long (four-hour!) film.  Without the amplitude that the bag of visual effects tricks brings, it would be literally anti-climactic.  By presenting this scene of Mabuse losing his mind as a sensory overload, it gives the film the visceral quality it needs to send the viewer off on an intense emotional note. Mabuse’s cocked eyebrow, once raised in arrogant defiance, has become a thing of the past, and in its place is merely the vacant stare of a madman.  Mabuse is left with nothing but counterfeit bills and four blind men: when all is said and done, his empire is worthless. 
The film’s climax harkens back to a little over halfway through the film when, revealing who he is as a character, Mabuse proclaims, “There is no love — there is only desire.  There is no happiness — there is only the will for power!”  This line exposes Mabuse’s deep-seated cynicism and, consequentially, the universal cynicism of the times.  Coming from Mabuse, however, it is as much a celebration as it is a condemnation.  Nothing is fair.  No one is righteous.  The deck is loaded.  The game is rigged.  In the land of the contemptible, Mabuse is king.